The players hugged, shook hands, and left the pitch. El Salvador - roughly the size of Wales - had a population of about 3 million in Most of the country was controlled by a landowning elite, leaving very little space for poorer Salvadoran farmers.
Honduras - similarly dominated by a small number of landowners - was five times as large, and in the same year had a population of about 2.
As a result, throughout the 20th Century, Salvadorans had been moving to Honduras to take advantage of the more available farmland, and to work for the US fruit companies which operated in the country. Roughly , were living in the neighbouring state by that year. El Salvador's small landowning elite had supported the mass emigration, as it eased pressures on their land and calls for it to be redistributed. But the migrant arrivals caused resentment among Honduran peasants who were fighting for more land from their own elite at the time.
So the Honduran government passed an agrarian land reform law to ease the tensions. The authorities focused not on the land owned by the elites and US fruit companies however, but on lands settled by the migrants. On top of this were simmering land and sea border disputes, including over a number of islands in the Gulf of Fonseca - a small body of water on the Pacific Coast shared between both countries and Nicaragua.
It was in the midst of this rising anger that the countries met on the football pitch. It didn't help. Football here [in Latin America] is very, very passionate - for good and for bad. By Marcos Villatoro. To Read the Full Story. Subscribe Sign In. Continue reading your article with a WSJ membership. Resume Subscription We are delighted that you'd like to resume your subscription.
Please click confirm to resume now. It was this approach that paved the way for the Central American Mobility Agreement, signed in between El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras and Nicaragua, known as CA-4, which gives the citizens of these countries freedom of movement on presentation of a national identity card.
Costa Rica, unlike the CA-4 group, is well placed in terms of social welfare and economic performance indicators 68th position in the Human Development Index — HDI — and a member, since May , of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development.
Other data providing an insight into the situation in the CA-4 countries includes decent work-related indicators. As regards freedom of association, a research paper by the Trade Union Confederation of the Americas TUCA — Unionisation and Union Density in the Americas — reports that union membership rates relative to total employment in was 12 per cent in Nicaragua, 8 per cent in Honduras, 7 per cent in El Salvador and 2 per cent in Guatemala.
In light of the crisis triggered by the Covid pandemic, a look at public health spending is also important. According to the US Census Bureau, 3. The fact that the flow of Nicaraguan migrants to the United States is relatively low partly explains why the Ortega government is not subject to the same level of pressure and threats from the Trump government as that directed at the Northern Triangle countries.
The main destination for Nicaraguans is Costa Rica. Do Mexican mural artists hide their talents away, while those in California are happy to have their work on display for everyone? Dear Gabacho : Not true. Maybe the Catholic Church wants to withhold its artistic treasures like damning pedo-priest personnel files, but the point of the Mexican muralism movement was to create art for the masses and for public consumption — and it remains so today.
Francis Xavier founded the Jesuits. The Mexican apologizes for his error and blames the United States for stealing half of Mexico. Ask the Mexican at themexican askamexican. Box , Anaheim, CA How can we help you? Sweet James has my permission to help provide a free police report. News News See all. Food See all.
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